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Eurochicago, electronic and other media, as well as several international organizations, political leaders and prominent intellectuals have received that text, which Political prisoner № 1 of communism in Bulgaria prof.Yanko N. Yankov-Velyovski is calling on them to engage in the fight against global evil.


My name is Ianko Nikolov Iankov-Velyovski.

If you are sincerely interested in the truth (and to fight in defense of the Law)  concerning  the so called ‘transition’ from communism to capitalism in contemporary Bulgaria, I am ready to deliver to your attention much more severe data than WikiLeaks is unleashing nowadays.

I am a Professor of Law at Plovdiv University ‘Paissiy Hilendarski’ School of Law, where I give lectures on a number of scientific disciplines:Philosophy of Law; Psychology of Law; Psychology of Politics; Political and Legal Doctrines; Theory of Social Government (Political Management); Forecasting and Political Forecasting; Theory and Practice of Terrorism; Thanathology (philosophical, psychological and legal aspects of death).

During my student years at the Sofia University ‘Climent Okhridski’ School of Law, under the influence of the western democracy, of the anti-communist events in Czechoslovakia in 1968, and my general mental mood, I formulated and undertook  partial practical testing of the thesis for eventual possibility of legal opposition to the totalitarian communist system by using supreme legal and ideological knowledge.

Although pretty cautiously, since the very 1975 I started intensive practical implementation of my thesis for use of my legal qualification for performing activity for protection of the violated individual rights of relatives and trusted friends (as a form of legal and political opposition to the communist system). The disclosed records of State Security (KDS) show that at that time I already became a routine supervision subject for the secret services. In 1978, I broadened my scope of activities by including also protection of the violated rights of many other people, as a result of which the secret services’ supervision grew to special supervision.

As a repressive answer of my completely legally irreproachable legal defense activity and under cruel violation of the Labor Code and the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences Statutes, on March 18, 1982 I was illegally fired from my prestigious scientific and teaching work in the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences and in the University of Sofia. The disclosed records of State Security now show that my dismissal from work was assured by prior planned special operative action, undertaken by the Bulgarian branch of the KGB.

During the same year, I started active contacts with representatives of a number of western embassies in Sofia (most of all the embassy of Great Britain, USA, France and Germany), to which I submitted a great number of official documents evidencing violation of the human rights in communist Bulgaria; consequently these submitted documents became subject of investigation of the Conference of Madrid and Stockholm regarding the human rights issues.

In May 1983, leaving the embassy of France, where I submitted more than 1500 pages of documentation (concerning violated human rights of Bulgarian citizens), I  was arrested, but in two months I was released – both due to legal impossibility of proving any of the accusations against me (for terrorism against the embassy and for propaganda in the embassy against the state and political regime in Bulgaria) and due to (or more appropriately most of all) the effective diplomatic and propaganda intersession of several western countries rendered against the Bulgarian communist authorities.

On May 22, 1984, I was arrested and the following three charges were brought against me: ►creation and leading of a subversive organization; ►conducting subversive propaganda against Bulgaria, the Soviet Union, and the socialist member states of the military bloc the Warsaw Pact; and ►instigating foreign countries to hostile actions against Bulgaria.

On December 24, 1984, I was sentenced to 12 years of prison under extremely strict regime, and in 1985, my sentence was ‘corrected’ to 6 years and 6 months under the same regime. The fractionally disclosed records of the Bulgarian branch of KGB now show that the arrest, trial, and my special treatment in the prison were secured by conducting several strictly confidential operative actions, which code names have been ‘The lousy guy’, ‘The wild guy’, ‘The vicious guy’, ‘The bullhead guy’, ‘Terrorist’, ‘Disobedient’ and ‘Dragon’.

Only two weeks after my arrest the US Department of State published a special report (read on June 06, 1984 on Free Europe Radio), wherein my name was mentioned as an example of a Bulgarian citizen, deprived of his human rights, and soon later the rights-defending organization Amnesty International announced me for a person under its protection.

During my stay in prison, the international rights-defending organizations Amnesty International and Helsinki Watch announced me for a political prisoner No. 1 of BulgariaThe American Bar Association, Lawyers Committee for Human Rights and a number of other national and international rights-defending organizations undertook protests against the Bulgarian government regarding the illegal trial of me. The Free Europe, The Voice of America and The BBCradios broadcasted many programs, dedicated to my activity and my inhuman treatment in prison. In March 1989, during the official work of the Congress, the President of the Socialist International Willy Brandt himself officially announced a number of facts both for my political and rights-defending activity and for the specific repression system that I was subject to in the Bulgarian prisons.

My stay in prison was until full serving of my term of imprisonment; due to the fact that under the adopted rules and practices two working days (as an shoemaker) equal three days, de facto I spent in prison 5 years, 7 months and 3 days of calendar time, and was released on October 31, 1989 (exactly ten days before the official date of the ‘change’ of the political regime); along with the two months from my previous arrest and the two months and ten days of stay in the concentration camp my actual time of imprisonment was 5 (five) years, 11 (eleven) months and 13 (thirteen) days.


In December 1989 I was pardoned with a law but I refused to accept the amnesty based on the thesis that ‘the legally sentenced may be pardoned but the illegally sentenced may not’, and submitted an official petition for a new court trial.

On March 30, 1990, the General Assembly of the Penal Bars of the Supreme Court issued a resolution, under which I was declared fully innocently sentenced under full lack of the evidence required by the law, and my sentence was revoked. One of the very emblematic facts regarding my illegal sentencing was that fact that in the last and highest court bar, which declared me innocently sentenced, most of the judges who earlier, during the discussion of my case in the different previous instances, participated both in my declaring innocent and in my sentencing; these judges were never asked ‘In which case did they act according to their supreme conscience and in which they acted as cringing for a bowl of lentils mean and unscrupulous agents of the secret services?’.

Despite my many official written requests, up to now there is no one of the culprits punished for my illegal arrest, sentencing and imprisonment; the only military prosecutor (colonel Nikolay Kolev), who dared undertake an investigation case against only a small part of the culprits, was soon after killed and the investigation case was suspended; the prosecutor, who suspended the case (colonel Nikolay Ganchev), was almost immediately promoted to ‘general’ and a little later he became owner of a luxurious hotel in a prestigious mountain resort…

Moreover, until now I have not received even a cent as a compensation for the suffered material and moral damages and benefits missed.Furthermore:

а) on one hand all, who during the time of the classical communist regime participated in some way in the illegal repression of me, almost right after were generously rewarded; their most generous reward however was exactly after the so-called ‘political changes’, when they reached not only the highest points in their professional hierarchy, but also stunning profiteering; according to my yet preliminary and not full calculations only regarding my illegal arrest, sentence, and imprisonment, more than 200 (two hundred) agents, trusted people and officers of State Security were engaged; some of the ‘most eminent’ of them are now: eminent businessmen, democratic generals, members of the Supreme Court Council, supreme judges, constitution judges, judges in the international courts in Strasbourg and Hague, ministers and deputy ministers (including of Justice and Interior), chief prosecutor, eminent members of Parliament, chairman of Parliament, famous diplomats.

b) on the other hand: exactly after the political changes I: ►although already officially free, I acquired such actual status that gave me reasons to frequently declare that my pursuit today is much more sinister and perverted than before; and that my current status is much more ominous than the prison one: ► in particular, I stressed on the fact that during the communist regime, my  grandmother dies only three days after my arrest, and my grandfather was buried five days after his first visit to his grandson in prison, and the death of both my grandparents was directly related to the repressions against me; in the context of a seemingly natural but in fact well planned by the criminal circles calendar regime, only for a few year, my brother, my father, and my mother died, whose death I well-grounded defined as murder, committed by personally and institutionally the same forces, which earlier subject to repression mainly me and to a lesser degree – my relatives, exactly after the political ‘changes’; ►although she has two prestigious higher education degrees (Master in Stomatology and Master in Pedagogywith specialty Social work with children), my wife Elka P. Iankova became unemployed almost immediately after in 1993 she married me, and all employers she addressed for work unambiguously showed her that the prestigious diplomas do not count due to her spouse choice; ► my professional realization was firmly limited to an insignificant researcher in an academic institute and a host-lecturer in an university in the country, and I was demonstratively superseded in the scientific hierarchy by people, who have nothing in common with science; ► each my attempt to achieve any economic stability of my family was always followed by precise subjection to even more intensive mafia oppression and actual theft.

At the end of 1989 and the beginning of 1990, I participated in the creation of the opposition in Bulgaria and in the activity of the so-called at the time National Political ‘Round Table’. My intensive try to create a right-radical opposition fraction and to oppose the agreement between the communist party and the false opposition created from its secret services leads to my exclusion in March 1990 from participation in the totally collaborationist ‘Round Table’; thus I became the only, both in Bulgaria and in Eastern Europe, participant in the phenomenon ‘political round table’, who was excluded due to the radicalism of his claims for de-communization of society and the state apparatus.

In 1990 and 1991, I was elected a member of parliament in the Seventh Great National Assembly; from a constitutional point of view, this extremely rarely convoked Parliament had legal status of a Senate (Upper Parliament Chamber). There I gave proof to and sustained the thesis for legal illegitimacy (due to the brutal violation of many constitutionally important legal regulations) of the Seventh Membership of Parliament, whereas I orally qualified this parliament membership as‘Red mess’ and defined as illegitimate all adopted acts, including the so-called ‘Constitution of June 12, 1991’, which I refused signing. The circumstance that although at that time the so-called ‘Constitution’ was not signed by another 38 members of parliament also deserves special attention, today I am the only member of this parliament that did not engage in any way whatsoever with the ‘constitution’ deed in question; all other members consequently as members of parliament in the following common Parliaments attested the sacred nature of this actually not signed by them ‘deed’; as a matter of fact, my political and judicial foresight is unambiguously shown in the fact that exactly this ‘constitution deed’ today is not only used as a flag and vindication of the cruel mafia plunder but it also represents an extremely serious ‘legal’ hindrance for the European integration of Bulgaria.


I am the founder and Chairman of: ⇒the Liberal Congress Party (LCP); ⇒the Union of Lawyers Democrats in Bulgaria; ⇒The Basic Institute for Research and Defense of Human Rights (BIRDofHR); ⇒as well as several more other public organization.

From 1991 until 1995, I issued the free newspaper ‘Liberal Congress’ – printed body of the political party that I chaired.

On December 15, 1999, the French satellite television ARTE (2a rue de la Fonderie, F-67080 Strasbourg Cedex, journalist Lawent Cibien, 29 av. T. Gauche, 78016 Paris) broadcasted a special documentary, dedicated to my political and legal-defensive activity.

For five days, at each round hour from November 26 to November 30, 2005, the Turkish News Satellite Television TGRT Haber (29 Ekim Cad. N 23, Yenibosna 34530 Istanbul, News Manager Dogan Senturk) broadcasted an exclusive interview with me, dedicated on the topic about the role of the former soviet secret services (KGB) and their nowadays mafia transformation (the Red Mafia) in the current internal political and economic processes in Bulgaria.

Only several days later, performing a secret order, assigned by the management of the Bulgarian branch of the Red Mafia and the special services of theMinistry of Interior, on December 05, 2005 the Director of the Institute for Legal Sciences with BAS (Bulgarian Academy of Sciences) issued an order for my dismissal, to be effected on the same day, about which I was notified only three days later, on December 08, 2005 (moreover with a slow mail latter).

It is curious that while the classical communist repressive services took care to make my first dismissal in 1982 look at least formally legitimate, the next dismissal was performed as a well thought and institutionally and personally secured brutal demonstration of anti-right force: ►the order was issued unilaterally by the Director and in full violation of the obligatory procedure legal rules, which categorically set forth that such resolutions may be passed only by the Scientific Council; ►furthermore the order was issued without any motives whatsoever, which is in full contradiction to the express requirement of the law for motivation of such acts.

But this was only ‘the tip of the top’: the provocations against me, my family and friends don’t stop. On June 21, 2010, just before the video-cameras of the Bulgarian Palace of Justice in Sofia City I was object of attempted murder; only my quick reaction saved my life but didn’t prevent me from crippling.

All the facts mentioned above (they are only 1/1000 of the real situation) are motivating me to ask the following questions:

‘Why am I still subject of repression today?’

‘Why are my present hangmen personally and institutionally exactly the same as before?’

‘Why today, using the encouragement of the West, my hangmen avail of much more unlimited repressive rights and opportunities than before, when they only had the encouragement of Moscow?’

‘Why today, my hangmen are continuing to ‘administer justice’ not only in Bulgaria but also in the European and world court institutions?’


Again: if you are sincerely interested in the truth (and to fight in defense of the Law)  concerning  the so called ‘transition’ from communism to capitalism in contemporary Bulgaria, I am ready to deliver to your attention much more severe data than WikiLeaks is unleashing nowadays.

Meanwhile, some data concerning my personality, legal, political, scientific,  and any other  activity are accessible through the following media:







My E-mail address:  [email protected]

My home address:  Ianko N. Iankov,  Dianabad, Block 4, ap. 38, 1172 Sofia, Bulgaria

December 2010, Sofia, Bulgaria                                             Sincerely: Ianko N. Iankov-Velyovski


P.S. Please find enclosed as an attached file (RTF document):

BIBLIOGRAPHY (List of books) of Ianko N. Iankov-Velyovski

CONTENTS of some  of books of  Ianko N. Iankov-Velyovski

Psychology of Law Value in Communist and Post-Communist Bulgaria (A scientific report, furnished for participation at the First International Conference on Therapeutical  Jurisprudence to be held between July 8 and July 11, 1998 in Winchester, United Kingdom of Great Britain)

Bulgaria’s red mafia on Europe’s trail, by Ilija Trojanov




One Comment »

  • Luc said:

    Моите почитания за г-н Янков! И една бележка (надявам се да е уместна). Положителното в бъдещето на България и на българите би могло да е резултат, най-вече, от способностите и организираните дейности на позитивно настроени към “общото благо” личности. Какви би могло да са критериите за определяне и как да се организират хората, еднозначен отговор нямам. Но съм убеден, че с външни на България сили и в зависимост от целите е сравнително лесно да се установи съответно сътрудничество. Ако имаме днешните проблеми, то генезисът им не е в “предателството” или “помоща” на Запада или Изтока, а в нас самите (за да се изразя най-кратко).

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